Are Republicans and Democrats the Same?


Early in my progressive activist/organizer life, begun in 1968, I was a big believer in the need for a “third party.” A primary reason was the prosecution of the Vietnam War by Democratic President Lyndon Johnson. As I studied in college in 1967 about the history of that war, I learned that the USA had taken over from France the role of imperialist colonizer in the mid-50’s after the French were defeated by the Vietnamese independence forces.

US imperialism in Vietnam was not benign. Hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese by 1968 had been killed as the US supported a series of brutally repressive South Vietnamese governments. By 1968 tens of thousands of US American soldiers had been killed. And the war was escalating.

Republican and Democratic politicians supported all of this. Begun under Eisenhower, this war was continued under Kennedy and then under Johnson. It is similar to the many, many months of bipartisan support for Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza. There were progressive Democrats in Congress who were calling for a ceasefire very soon after Hamas’ October 7th attack in southern Israel, but their numbers were small at first. Over time and as the genocide continued, it was among Democrats only that larger numbers of them spoke out.

There are lots of other examples of usually bipartisan support for a US foreign policy all about world domination. That is why there are 750 or more US military bases in 80 countries and a trillion dollars a year military budget.

US foreign policy is not about “freedom.” It is about dominance to benefit the fossil fuel industry, the weapons of war industry and other US corporate investments throughout the world.

However, and it is a big “however,” some of the opposition to all of this has always come, in part, from within the Democratic Party, stimulated by independent, issue-oriented, peace and justice organizations. In March of 1968 Eugene McCarthy almost won the New Hampshire Democratic Presidential primary, after which Robert Kennedy, another critic of the war, entered the Presidential race. In response, on March 31, Lyndon Johnson announced he would not run for reelection.

Nothing like this has ever happened within the Republican Party, and we can all see how thoroughly Trump/MAGA has taken it over in its drive to destroy democracy, institute fascist rule and be even more world-dominant. There are a very small number of Republican House and Senate members who have refused to always kiss Trump’s ring, but they are, indeed, a very small number.

What’s the point?

The Democratic Party for at least the last 65 years, since the election of John F. Kennedy, has always contained both a progressive component and a pro-corporate, pro-imperialist component. Even with the reality that the corporatists are almost always dominant, this is a very distinct difference from the Republican Party.

Right now there is no question that the progressives are in the ascendency, not in control but ascendent. This is a trend that began with Bernie Sanders’ 2015-2016 Presidential campaign and has continued and deepened ever since. The recent House of Representatives, Democratic primary, election victory just this past week of working-class activist and organizer Analilia Mejia in northern New Jersey is the latest example of this so-important political trend.

For a small sector of the political Left, this important political development isn’t seen as of much significance. That’s true for some whose ideological perspective is grounded in anarchism, which has always, from what I know, been skeptical if not hostile to electoral activity. Others are not necessarily anarchists but are so pissed off by the systemic injustices of US corporate capitalism and the dominance of billionaire money over it that they see electoral politics as too tame of a tactic. I can definitely identify with these feelings even as I believe that, strategically and tactically, we have no choice but to be involved in electoral politics if we are serious about systematic change in the USA.

Others are what I’d call “true believers” in the idea that another party, a “third party” running candidates right now at all levels, including for President, is the way to go. I used to be in this category. From 2000 to 2017 I was a member of the Green Party. I was actively involved on a national level in the Presidential campaigns of Ralph Nader in 2000 and David Cobb in 2004. After that, however, I pulled back and mainly worked on a local level in northern New Jersey on environmental, peace and racial justice issues within an activist Green Party group. I got back involved in national electoral politics only when Bernie announced his historic campaign in 2015.

I left the Green Party when I saw a tweet from Jill Stein, their 2016 Presidential candidate, saying that the Sanders campaign was all about being “sheepdogs” for the duopoly, bringing progressives into the Democratic Party. That was the last straw for me.

For 40 years I was part of efforts to form a “mass party of the people,” as described by the first “third party” group I was part of, beginning in 1975. It was called the “Mass Party Organizing Committee,” led by progressive and civil rights attorney Arthur Kinoy. One thing I liked about it was that it understood the need to forge an alliance between independents outside the Democratic Party and progressives within it. Because we did, we were among the first predominantly white progressive group to come out publicly in 1983 in support of Rev. Jesse Jackson running for President in the 1984 Democratic primaries.

Jackson talked publicly about the need to build a “third force,” different than a “third party,” and his campaign reflected that. It included both Democrats, particularly African Americans, and independents.

The Bernie Sanders campaigns in 2016 and 2020, though not grounded in the African American community to the extent of the Jackson campaign, something that ultimately undercut his 2020 efforts, are another example of the strategic and political power of this “third force” approach. He received over 13 million votes in 2016 and 9 ½ million in 2020. In 2025 he and AOC and their Fighting Oligarchy rallies all over the country were a critical component of the fightback against Trumpfascism.

As this absolutely crucial 2026 election season unfolds, off to a good start so far, let’s learn from the lessons of progressive electoral campaigns over the last 50 years, both inside and outside the Democratic Party. Up with the growing and deepening progressive third force!

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Ted Glick.